Measures reported by children and measures reported by parents are subject to errors in return and socially desirable responses. Parents may be more vulnerable to «social covetousness» than children [18]. On the other hand, children have limitations in general cognitive abilities that prevent them from remembering past activities [18-20]. In addition, perceptions of parenting practice may vary between children and parents [5, 18, 21-27]. Parents and children can therefore offer unique perspectives on their relationship and home environment. Most studies of the consistency between parental and paediatric parenting relationships have assessed eating practices, such as the availability and accessibility of fruits, vegetables or soft drinks at home, or the frequency of common family meals [18, 22-25, 27]. To our knowledge, only one study examined parenting practices in physical activity and sedentary behaviour (i.e., family support for physical activity or child television use) that had a limited number of parent-child dyads (n-73) [21]. In general, consent depended on the age of the children [25, 26] and more when the parents had a higher level of education [26]. To date, little is known about other factors that could influence the agreement, reliability and validity of parenting measures reported by parents and children. First, parents and children may have different views on their relationship and behaviour [5, 10, 21, 27]. Despite the diversity of methods and questionnaires, significant differences of opinion between parents and children have already been reported. A study by van Assema et al. [27] reported a low consistency in the perceived availability and accessibility of snacks, fruits and breakfast products.

Barr-Anderson et al. found a weak relationship between the relationship between children and parents on family assistance in case of physical activity and restrictions on parental use of the child (25%-42%) and a good agreement (≈70%) whether responses for junior and superior individuals on the 4-point scale could differ by one point [21]. These results suggest that future studies should take both perspectives into account. In general, we found that parents and children responded differently to questions related to the evaluation of educational practices. This disagreement can be explained by several factors. As it can take a long time to negotiate an agreement, you can immediately seek an injunction from a judge. An injunction will decide who will have custody of the children until a final decision is made. Interim custody orders often become permanent because it is less troublesome for children to stay in a place with a parent. A second explanation for the disagreement may be that parents are more likely to provide socially desirable responses [18]. However, we did not find that parents have consistently reported more favourable assessments. On the contrary, Barr-Anderson et al. reported that in their study, children considered their parents to be more supportive, that the parents judged themselves, suggesting that the parents may have considered their small support actions (encouraging words, conduct) as part of their parenting duties [21].

Similarly, common activities between children and parents may be perceived differently by children and parents. When it comes to social desires, we expect parents to cover common sports activities more often and to watch television together less often than their children. However, such a pattern has only been observed in Switzerland. On the other hand, parents may also perceive common television, i.e. social co-viewing, as favourable behaviour, as they can better monitor what their children see to counter the adverse effects of television shows and commercials [44]. Similarly, we do not know whether, in this study, children are more likely to consume and watch television than their parents because of different perceptions or rather s